Giorgia Meloni looks to the early elections of 2027. Between the divisions of Campo Largo, the challenge with Vannacci and the polls, here’s what can change
It was the spring of his discontent. Everything was going smoothly for Giorgia Meloni, until the sudden reverse of the referendum on justice. Mutatis mutandis: Matteo Renzi, after an unexpected consultation, broke his neck. Goodbye forever, Palazzo Chigi. A sensational disaster followed. The much more shrewd and talented prime minister, last March, certainly wasn’t thinking about such dire consequences. However, he saw clouds gathering. The economic crisis, the arguments with Donald Trump, the jubilation of rivals. He confided to devotees: “It means that next time we will go to the opposition.”
The following months were no more comforting. General Roberto Vannacci advanced. The majority retreated on the electoral law, with preferences lost in the Chamber. “The swamp has won,” the Prime Minister vented, preparing for the worst. Yet another very government. The usual broad agreements. The beach agreements. The summer served to reflect, the autumn to relaunch. The prime minister, not very optimistic by nature, is now spreading confidence. Now it’s the rivals who have ended up in the quagmire. The polls are smiling. The youth revolts, unlike in France and Spain, have been quelled. The economic maneuver is going. And after the laborious approval of the Stabilicum, the elections could be brought forward.
Of course, Giorgia remains skilled and tough. But the shortcomings of others remain astounding. Where does Meloni find other opponents like this? Even the invincible robes, after having annihilated those in favor, manage to make even those “referendum people” doubt who would fight strenuously against any inequality. They just stood out for a lunar request for arrears. For her it is an empty net penalty: «In good conscience I cannot put my signature on a Prime Ministerial Decree to allocate almost a billion euros to salary increases for magistrates. My priority is the vulnerable groups.” The category’s response is particularly improvident: that nest egg would serve to guarantee independence and rectitude. Let the hungry people eat croissants.
Revenge, terrible revenge. The one who was sure she could consume the Wide Field. Going back again to the days of the referendum: uncontainable jubilation and stentorian proclamations. That vote overturned every prediction. In the following policies, victory seemed obvious. Meloni started packing boxes.
Eight months later the opposition continues to practice with unparalleled skill the discipline in which it has remained world champion since the end of the First Republic: tafazzismo. It was 1994: the “joyful war machine” offered its chest to the Berlusconi army. It is 2026: as is also known to people from Remi, the opposition still has neither a program nor a leader. Same story, in short. The intentions are only now starting to be discussed. Among the most appreciated proposals are the re-edition of the citizen’s income and the inevitable patrimonial plan. While irreconcilable differences remain on foreign policy and the sending of weapons to Ukraine. Finding the mythological “synthesis” will be particularly difficult.
Even more troubled is the choice of the aspiring prime minister. The rustic duel between Elly Schlein and Giuseppe Conte has been talked about since time immemorial. There isn’t even a primary date. March 14, 2027 is assumed: practically close to any early elections. “May God preserve them for us” repeat the colonels in via della Scrofa, teeming headquarters of the Brothers of Italy. Elly, a political movement secretary, would be an absolute novelty. But also a trauma for moderates and Catholics in the area. Giuseppi, the very savvy boss of the 5 stars, is instead the unsafe second hand. The Superbonus is certainly remembered from his long and multifaceted stay at Palazzo Chigi: an accounting feat of revisable utility that cost almost two hundred billion. Houses renovated without spending a penny.
“Free”. The Josephite slogan remains unforgettable. Especially for potential voters who deprecate statism and subsidies. The doily was to become, in the intentions of the powerful, the tip of the balance. But even that is struggling. The former sheriff Franco Gabrielli and the former tax collector Ernesto Maria Ruffini have exceptionally united in a partnership. And the unknown Roman councilor Alessandro Onorato is impatient. For Conte everything is fine. The important thing is to steal precious votes from Schlein.
Giorgia, on the other hand, did big things even in small ways. The combative leader of the South calls the North, Cateno De Luca known as “Scateno”, has entered the coalition with all honors. Together with him there is the always evocative Mayors’ Party. Lively talks also continue with another free-range leader: the mayor of Terni, Stefano Bandecchi. And with the measured Luigi Marattin, secretary of the Liberal Democratic Party. All together, they could be worth a few precious points. Exactly what would be needed to neutralize Vannacci.
The general’s run seemed unstoppable. Throngs of politicians flocked: enchanted by his decision-making and by climbing onto a newly polished wagon. National Future was flying in the polls. 10% seemed obvious. Given the troubled relations, it seemed like yet another impediment for the government. «It will deflate. The Italians will understand that he is playing into the left’s hands.” This time Giorgia had professed optimism, and then gave peremptory instructions to her team: «Just respond to provocations. We don’t talk about Vannacci anymore.”
The numbers seem to prove her right. The triumphal ride has stopped. Indeed, the general retreats. The lone man in command seems to have lost his aura. The ranks of the “dirty dozen” stop growing. The government has taken the most identity battles away from Vannacci: security, maranza, immigration. The Milanese riots and violent demonstrations were contained. They legitimized the government tightening. And indirectly also the ban on the burqa and the limit on foreigners in classrooms. The challenge to radical Islam, which is often combined with ProPal propaganda on the left, will be a decisive theme of the next electoral campaign.
«Scateno», having gathered juicy indiscretions among the Melonians, has already predicted: the vote will take place between 9 and 10 May, combining political and administrative ones. Precisely after the approval of the Milleproroghe decree, the indispensable appendix of the maneuver that is now being discussed in Parliament. It is not the financial staleness that the hopeful opposition announced. Less taxes for the middle class, more money for families and VAT numbers, relief for young people. In short: almost all Italians would finally have some advantages. Giancarlo Giorgetti, strict Minister of Economy, says that “it is a serious maneuver”. Twenty-six billion. «Gianca», as Giorgia calls him, has thought of everyone. For goodness sake, the moment is troubled. Complaints are inevitable. From teachers who are retiring and will not be replaced, given the constant decline in students, to the regions that ask for additional resources for healthcare, even if it would have 2.4 billion more.
In any case, it will see the light by the end of the year following the usual rites: phantom amendments, resurrected paragraphs, daring rescues. And then, to try to square things, the usual Milleproroghe will arrive. At that point everyone would be free. To the vote. After fulfilling the obligations. Before the Constitutional Court intervenes on the electoral law. And while Campo Largo continues to emulate Tafazzi, pounding his zebedees with a plastic bottle.
